登陆前后 今日: 0|主题: 34117|排名: 38 

最后发表： lily0411
回复内容：
谢谢，网上写的是四星半的，不知道怎么样？只要是在city就行了，反正也只有五天了，谢谢各位指点！

最后发表： b0nny
回复内容：
楼上的，签证官都在同一地点办公，发现这点手脚还是容易的，所以他完全有可能否决，关键就是没有完善的法律规定，签证官说行就行，不认可的话也没辙，还是不要投机取巧的好，免得坏了大事

最后发表： cooldog
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我现在就用的r66+澳洲地图，很不错啊，可以用emule去搜

最后发表： chubbycat
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sure - on behalf of Ka fans

最后发表： beysup
回复内容：
《一斤挂面引发的血案》

最后发表： may2006
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最后发表： liyang2au
回复内容：
果然很不错，赞一个

最后发表： mimiyaya
回复内容：
最近ACE的包很畅销啊～

最后发表： tangji
回复内容：
非常感谢，我会再考虑下的。

最后发表： wyyo
回复内容：
好好复杂啊，得慢慢找慢慢研究了。
多谢楼上的兄弟。

最后发表： helenazy
回复内容：
我估计我一个人的衣服鞋子可以抵上LZ一家子的。我建议带个带蒸格的电子多功能锅，就是那种不粘的，下面可以用来做火锅，炒菜煮粥，下饺子。加上蒸格就可以蒸饭。

最后发表： thewall
回复内容：
... it is pausible, but not applicable ...

最后发表： sqfo
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晕？驾照还能挂靠单位啊？ 第一次听说

最后发表： may2006
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抽大麻和吸食海洛因的后果是完全不一样的。海洛因的后果很严重，对脑部区域有着不可逆的破坏，基本上不可能戒掉。
文中提到的毒品应该是泛指吧，如果单指海洛因，那真是太可怕了。

最后发表： may2006
回复内容：
越看越晕，中文的保险条款都看不明白呢，更何况是英文的。

最后发表： lookaround
回复内容：
含牛黄的不能带，其他忘记了。

最后发表： gemei
回复内容：
对,澳洲目前是没有遗产税的,在1979年11月份就全部取消了,看以下文章:

Did the Death of Australian Inheritance Taxes
Affect Deaths?
Joshua S. Gans and Andrew Leigh
Abstract
In 1979, Australia abolished federal inheritance taxes. Using daily deaths data, we show that approximately 50 deaths were shifted from the week before the abolition to the week after. This amounts to over half of those who would have been eligible to pay the tax. Although we cannot rule out the possibility that our results are driven by misreporting, our results imply that over the very short run, the death rate may be highly elastic with respect to the inheritance tax rate.

I. Introduction
According to Benjamin Franklin, the two certainties in life are death and taxes. But can changes in taxation affect the death rate? Is it possible that some people prolong life in order to reduce their inheritance tax bill? The seminal study of the responsiveness of death rates to inheritance tax changes is Kopczuk and Slemrod (2003), who analyse a series of changes to the US estate tax. Their results are not consistent across all tax changes, but overall, they find a small positive death elasticity. This accords with other studies that have found that changes in tax rates and benefits can affect the timing of marriages (Sjoquist and Walker 1995; Alm and Whittington 1995) and births (Dickert-Conlin and Chandra 1999; Gans and Leigh 2006a). Non-economic factors may be important too. For example, Gans and Leigh (2006b) find that the millennium coincided with an increase in the number of conceptions, births and
deaths in Australia.
In this paper, we study a more dramatic change than that analysed by Kopczuk and Slemrod – the complete elimination of inheritance taxes in Australia. Prior to their abolition in 1979, Australian rates had been high. Afterwards, inheritances were entirely exempt from federal inheritance taxes. Indeed, Australia today remains one of the only developed nations without some form of explicit or de facto inheritance tax.

1 Although we cannot rule out the possibility that our results are driven by misreporting, or by some other contemporaneous event not considered here, our results imply that over half of those who would have paid the inheritance tax in its last week of operation managed to avoid it. This suggests that over the very short run, the death rate may be highly elastic with respect to the inheritance tax rate.
II. Australian Inheritance Taxes A campaign to abolish inheritance taxes in Australia took hold during the 1970s.

2 The first victory of the abolitionist was the announcement by the state of Queensland in 1976 that it would abolish all state inheritance taxes. Over the next two years, most of Australia’s other states followed Queensland’s lead, and abolished their state inheritance taxes. This gave momentum to the federal abolitionist movement, and in November 1977, the federal government formally
1 While Canada abolished its inheritance tax in the 1970s, it now taxes realized capital gains at
death—amounting to a de facto form of inheritance tax. When Australia abolished its inheritance
tax in 1979, most forms of capital gains were untaxed, and capital gains were not constructively
realized at death. In 1986, Australia introduced a separate capital gains tax.
2 For more background on the abolition of inheritance taxes in Australia, see Pedrick (1981) or
Smith (1993).
Topics in Economic Analysis & Policy
1 Gans and Leigh: Death of Inheritance Taxes
announced that it would scrap federal inheritance taxes. The federal legislation
was finally passed in June 1978, to take effect a year later. Since the Australian
tax year runs from 1 July to 30 June, any person dying on or before 30 June 1979
was subject to federal inheritance taxes, while any person dying on or after 1 July
1979 was entirely exempt from inheritance taxes.
Unlike other moves to eliminate inheritance taxes (for example, the
legislated abolition of the US estate tax from January 1, 2010), the Australian
rates were not phased down prior to abolition. Indeed, the inheritance tax rates
and thresholds had remained largely unchanged from 1941 to 1979, despite the
fact that inflation had substantially reduced the real value of the thresholds.
0 10 20 30
Rate of duty (%)
250000 500000 750000 1000000 1250000
Estate value
Estates passing to family
Estates passing to non-family
Figure 1: Inheritance Tax Rates Prior to Abolition
Prior to abolition, the rates prevailing on Australian estates operated on a
sliding scale (Commissioner of Taxation 1979).3 Estates worth less than $100,000
were tax-exempt if passing to non-family members, and estates worth less than
$200,000 were exempt if passing to family members.4 The highest rate was 27.9
3 All figures in this paper are in 1979 Australian dollars. Multiplying by 3.55 yields 2006
Australian dollars. Multiplying by 2.66 yields 2006 US dollars.
4 Family members were defined as the widow, widower, children, or grandchildren.
2 Vol. 6 [2006], No. 1, Article 23
http://www.bepress.com/bejeap/topics/vol6/iss1/art23
percent, which applied to estates worth $1 million or more.5 Figure 1 shows the
inheritance tax rate schedule. Gifts were also dutiable, and subject to a similar set
of tax rates.
During 1978-79, the last tax year in which the inheritance tax applied, the
Australian Taxation Office assessed duty on 9828 estates. This is equivalent to 9
percent of the 108,840 Australians who died during that tax year. Among those
who paid the inheritance tax, the median duty was $1935 (3 percent of estate
value), and the mean duty was $7764 (8 percent of estate value). Across all those
who died in tax year 1978-79, the median duty was zero (the typical decedent was
exempt), and the mean duty was $701. To put this in context, average per-capita
wealth in June 1979 is estimated at $26,700 (Australian Treasury 2005).
III. Empirical Analysis
To test whether the timing of deaths responds to the inheritance tax rate, we use
daily data on the number of Australian deaths. These data are collected by state
and territory offices of births, deaths and marriages, and compiled by Australian
Bureau of Statistics.6 They cover all recorded deaths from January 1, 1974 to
December 31, 2003.7
Figure 2 charts the number of deaths during the final week of June and the
first week of July 1979. In the last week of June, when inheritance taxes still
applied, the number of deaths dropped sharply. It then rises in July, immediately
after the tax was abolished.
To formally test the effect of the abolition of inheritance taxes on the
number of deaths, we estimate the regression:
1 2 3 4
NoTax DayOfWeek DayOfYear Year
i i i i i i Deaths I I I I β β β β ε = + + + + (1)
where Deaths is the number of people recorded as having died on day i, and the
indicator variables respectively denote the period after inheritance taxes had been
abolished (from 1 July 1979 onwards), the day of the week (e.g. Monday,
Tuesday), the day of the year (where day number 182 is 30 June, day number 183
5 The exempt amount was 20 percent higher for the estates of deceased primary producers.
6 We were unable to obtain deaths data disaggregated by state/territory. Nor were we able to
obtain data on the demographic characteristics of decedents.
7 We opt to use the raw number of deaths as our dependent variable (instead of the death rate)
since the population denominator is only available on a monthly basis. Given that our analysis
spans the end of June and the beginning of July, dividing by monthly population figures would
only induce measurement error into our analysis. Our econometric analysis includes year fixed
effects, thus allowing for nonlinear changes in the population denominator from year to year.
Topics in Economic Analysis & Policy
3 Gans and Leigh: Death of Inheritance Taxes
is 1 July), and the calendar year.8 We estimate the regression both with the
dependent variable as the number of deaths, and the log of the number of deaths.9
280 300 320 340 360

Figure 2: Number of Deaths Before and After the
Abolition of Inheritance Taxes on 1 July 1979
By using all late-June and early-July deaths over a thirty-year period, we
are able to precisely identify day of week, day of year, and year effects, and
distinguish these effects from the abolition of the inheritance tax.10 (Since the
8 Since our focus is on effects that might be specific to 28 June, 29 June, and so on, we define a
day of the year variable that is unaffected by leap years. For reasons of space, we do not show the
coefficients on the year, day-of-year, and day-of-week indicator variables. In general, these are
small. For example, with Sundays as the omitted day-of-week indicator, we find about 8-10 fewer
deaths on Wednesdays and about 8-11 more deaths on Saturdays. Other days of the week are
statistically indistinguishable from Sundays.
9 Since our analysis uses short windows, Table 1 shows Huber-White standard errors. An
alternative is to use Newey-West standard errors, forcing Stata to ignore the gaps between the
windows. This approach produces standard errors that are similar to those shown in Table 1.
10 We are not aware of any other policies after 1979 that would have affected the decision to die in
one tax year relative to the next. In 1976-78, the abolition of state inheritance taxes may have
created an incentive to die in the subsequent tax year, but since we are using data aggregated to the
national level, this effect is likely to have been small. In any case, our results are robust to
dropping these earlier years from our analysis.
4 Vol. 6 [2006], No. 1, Article 23
http://www.bepress.com/bejeap/topics/vol6/iss1/art23
regression includes year fixed effects, the coefficient on the inheritance tax
indicator variable, β1, is identified from the difference between June 1979 and
July 1979.) In effect, our regression specification allows us to ask the question:
holding constant day of week, day of year, and year fixed effects, and how did the
number of deaths in June 1979 (before abolition) compare with the number of
deaths in July 1979 (after abolition)?
To see the effect of the abolition of inheritance taxes on the timing of
deaths, we progressively widen the window of analysis. The first column of Table
1 restricts the sample to the last 3 days of June and the first 3 days of July, the
second column to the last 5 days of June and the first 5 days of July, and the third
to the last 7 days of June and the first 7 days of July. In the seven-day window,
the mean number of deaths per day was 372.13, and the standard deviation was
34.25. Over the same period, the mean of the ln(number of deaths) measure was
5.91, with a standard deviation of 0.09.
Table 1: Do Inheritance Taxes Affect Deaths?
(1) (2) (3)
Window ±3 days ±5 days ±7 days
Panel A: Dependent variable is number of deaths
No Inheritance Tax 24.185** 22.629** 14.202*
[11.964] [9.284] [8.376]
Observations 180 300 420
R-squared 0.75 0.69 0.67
Total number of deaths
shifted 36 57 50
Panel B: Dependent variable is ln(number of deaths)
No Inheritance Tax 0.076** 0.071** 0.046*
[0.036] [0.029] [0.026]
Observations 180 300 420
R-squared 0.74 0.7 0.68
Notes: Robust standard errors in brackets. * significant at 10%; ** significant at 5%; ***
significant at 1%. All specifications use data from 1974-2003, and include day of year, day of
week, and year fixed effects. Window denotes the number of days before and after the start of July.
For example, the ±7 day window covers the last seven days of June and the first seven days of
July. Total number of deaths shifted is half the No Inheritance Tax coefficient, multiplied by the
number of days in the window that fall on July 1 or later.
We observe a statistically significant effect of the abolition of inheritance
taxes on the number of deaths. Our estimates suggest that about 50 reported
deaths were shifted from the last week in which the inheritance tax applied to the
first week of its abolition, with most of the effect occurring within three days of
Topics in Economic Analysis & Policy
5 Gans and Leigh: Death of Inheritance Taxes
the policy change.11 Since our analysis is based only on formal death records, we
cannot reject the possibility that the effect we observe reflects misreporting of the
death date, rather than changes in the actual timing of deaths.
While the effect magnitude that we observe seems small in absolute terms,
it suggests that around 5 percent of all deaths occurring during that window were
shifted out of the eligibility range. Since only 9 percent of all decedents paid
inheritance taxes, this indicates a very high elasticity among eligibles.12 Dividing
the effect by the share of eligibles suggests that over half of those who would have
paid the inheritance tax in its last week of operation managed to avoid doing so.
IV. Conclusion
Public finance is often motivated by the insight that individuals appear to be
motivated – at least in part – by a bequest motive. Viewed in this light, it is
perhaps not so surprising to learn that a policy change that causes a sharp
discontinuity in the value of one’s bequest may affect the timing of death (or, at
the very least, the reporting of that death).
These findings have implications for any instance in which policymakers
are proposing to abolish inheritance taxes. For example, under current US law, the
estate of an individual worth more than $3.5 million will be taxed at a marginal
rate of 45 percent if they die in the final week of December 2009, but untaxed if
they die in the first week of January 2010. Our results from the abolition of
inheritance taxes in Australia suggest that a significant number of US taxpayers
who would face the estate tax if they died in the last week of 2009 may well shift
their reported death date to the first week of 2010. Even the super-rich cannot
cheat death forever, but some may be able to stay alive long enough to avoid the
estate tax.
Indeed, it is even plausible that the timing of deaths may be affected by the introduction of an inheritance tax. If the elasticity of the death rate with
11 Our calculation of the number of deaths moved is half the No Inheritance Tax coefficient, multiplied by the number of days in the window that fall on July 1 or later. Note that this assumes that any decrease in deaths in the pre-period window is matched by an increase in deaths in the post-period window. This calculation may be a lower bound. For example, if the inheritance tax abolition caused a death to be moved from 10 days before the abolition to one day after, or from 1 day before the abolition to 10 days after, then our calculation could be underestimated by as much as a factor of two.
12 We believe that the marginal decedent would know both the size of their estate and the prevailing inheritance tax rates with a high degree of certainty. It is therefore unlikely that the abolition induced a behavioural change among those whose estates were too small to be eligible. Conversely, since considerable media coverage was given to the decision to abolish federal inheritance taxes, it is unlikely that eligibles would have been ignorant of the date of abolition. It was a significant issue in the 1977 federal election, and the parliamentary debates in 1978 were highly publicised.
6 Vol. 6 [2006], No. 1, Article 23
http://www.bepress.com/bejeap/topics/vol6/iss1/art23
respect to a rise in inheritance taxes is of the same magnitude as the elasticity of the death rate with respect to a fall in inheritance taxes, then any country that introduces an inheritance tax should expect a spike in the death rate in the week before the law takes effect.

[ 本帖最后由 gemei 于 10-9-2007 18:28 编辑 ]

最后发表： 十二门徒
回复内容：
天津也是如此，想把住房公积金一次取出，要如下条件之一：
1，注销户籍的证明
2，公积金封存已经超过2年
不过据说再恢复户籍也是容易的，毕竟国籍未变。

最后发表： Pluto
回复内容：

的确如此，另外中国数不清的电子产品里面用的芯片大部分都是走私进入中国的。

最后发表： charliezh66
回复内容：
工黨力捧的候選人麥嬌(Maxine Mckew)，自6月28日競選辦公室開幕以來，四面出撃，迎戰現任總理霍華德(John Howard)，展開了Bennelong區聯邦議員議席的争奪戰。

麥嬌2006年10月辭去了澳大利亞國家電視台的主持人工作，轉投政壇。今年3月，她搬家到Epping，以工黨Bennelong地區候選人身份，正式投入聯邦大選的競選戰。6月的民意調查顯示，麥嬌僅落後霍華德4個百分點。也就是説，麥嬌如果能多争取到3000張選票，就能從對手手中搶走Bennelong地區議員席位。如果霍華德不幸失去已經坐了32年的議席，他將不得不失去總理位置，而成為澳洲歷史上第二位因失去議員席位而下台的總理。因此，麥嬌和陸克文的競選組合，前後追撃霍華德，在地區議員和總理職位的争奪中，令老霍疲于應付，露出破綻。

麥嬌的出現，為工黨帶來了新風，也給Bennelong地區的居民帶來了新的選擇。Bennelong地區包括Eastwood，Epping，Ryde，North Ryde等附近地區，這裏居住着大量的華裔、韓裔和印度裔移民。10年前霍華德的一句不歡迎亞洲移民，令老移民傷心不已、失望之至。而近來選情告急，霍華德開始高調出席亞裔聯歡會，主動與亞裔媒體修好，不斷强調與中國的夥伴關系。中國有句老話：一次不忠，百次不用。霍華德前後的變化，如果是發自真心，那真的是移民之福，但如果是權宜之計，那真怕是養虎為患。

近年來，逐漸收緊的移民政策和難度不斷增加的英文測試，以及9月即將施行的公民考試讓新移民和難民們怨聲載道。在這様的敏感時期，工黨領導人陸克文抛出了歡迎移民的競選方針，着力强調没有移民的貢獻就没有澳大利亞的今天，所以澳洲要發展，就要增加移民、善待移民，各族裔互相關愛，營造和諧發展的社會秩序。作為陸克文的特別策略顧問，麥嬌在移民政策、教育改革和基礎生活保障方面更加傾向普通民衆的需求。她鼓勵增加移民數量，促進國家發展；支持加大教育基金投入，幫助更多的人完成12年制學校教育；她還提出修改勞動法，保障雇員的利益免收雇主不平等剥削。

麥嬌一系列的親民政策受到了當地居民的歡迎。自七月起，每兩周的周六中午，社區志願者們自發的來到麥嶠位于Eastwood中心的競選辦公室樓下，在主街道上擺上麥嬌與陸克文的海報，派發傳單和氣球，宣傳麥嶠的主張，讓更多人認識麥嶠，了解麥嶠。這些志願者有本地澳洲人，有來自中國大陸和香港的移民，還有韓國人和印度人。另外一部分的忠實擁護者是從東歐等地以難民身份來澳的移民。他們説，現在政府改了政策，他們没有護照，又無法通過英文測試根本無法留下來，政府是變相把他們趕走，可是他們根本無處可去啊。對于華裔移民，他們更關心的是子女入學和老人就醫問題。私立學校學費太貴，公立學校又太少，老人看護中心和醫院也是人滿為患，中國人贍養老人、撫育幼子這兩件重要的事情却没有得到政府滿意的答復。

還記得1997年時，“一國黨”領導人韓珊受到澳洲左翼人士的追捧。麥嬌在ABC電視台晚間的訪談節目中采訪了她。身為國會議員，韓珊竟然説外來投資者每年令澳洲損失2000億澳元根本無益澳洲社會，而且外來投資者的在澳資産無法管理，没有房産記録，所以澳洲不要移民，不要外來投資者。麥嬌當場指出對發的錯誤，以國家每年進行外來投資回顧和澳洲健全的土地登記政策回撃對方，令韓珊啞口無言。在20分鐘的直播節目中，麥嬌令韓珊原形畢現，怒態百出。節目播出後，有人説麥嬌作為主持人太過火了，令被采訪對象難堪。而麥嬌説，韓珊言論真的讓人不能接受，我没有選擇，只有和她争論。

當時霍華德對韓珊的“一國黨”論頗有微辭，但他也希望本土族裔能壓倒外來族裔，所以采用寬忍的態度。在這場全國皆知的采訪後，霍華德不得不發表了講話，駁斥韓珊“狹隘的觀點”，説她是“空洞的民粹主義”，“廉價的口號”。長久以來，盡管有許多政治人物抨擊韓珊的極端主議，但都拿她沒辦法，甚至還要留點餘地讓她發揮，但是這一次訪談，終於把她打了下來。之後，韓珊就失去了舞台。

然而今年8月14日，韓珊卷土重來，以“Pauline's United Australia Party”申請加入聯邦大選，競争昆士蘭上議院議席。該申請是否會被批復，將在9月底揭曉。但無論如何“一國黨”絶對不是澳洲人民的選擇。

現在，民意的天平漸漸偏向工黨，偏向麥嬌。因為我們需要正義的人士，發出勇敢的口號，以無懼的行為，為澳大利亞這個多民族融合的移民國家做正確的事情，帶來更美好的未來。

最后发表： frescoo
回复内容：
关键是看眼力。

最后发表： danranrufeng
回复内容：
　　其实，我似乎能够理解楼主的苦心。

　　无论人性也好，民族性或者其他什么，当你走在异国他乡的土地上，即便换了护照，即便你已入乡随俗，但是从你身上所渗透出来的民族的、国家文化的东西是泯灭不掉的。

　　我们为了自己的目标离开了自己的国家，这无所谓对错，但是当你的行为或好或坏尤其是不良行为发生的时候，或许人家第一个反映就是，你是中国人，瞧，这就是中国人，瞧，中国人就这素质，瞧中国人都干了什么。也许你觉得这是你个人的事，但是直接导致的就是对在异国他乡的这个群体的直接诋毁或者好感度的提升。

　　也许每个人都不爱政治这玩意儿，但事实上谁都无法摆脱。我觉得每个走出国门的人不管你愿意不愿意，你都已经背负起了一种责任，维护国家的尊严，民族的尊严，事实上就是维护自己的尊严。

　　也许有人不屑一顾，但这是事实。上次去澳洲，当我看到举着牌子反对国内什么什么的（我不想多说，在澳洲的朋友应该经常能看到）的时候，我很惊讶，这些人随处可见。导游竟然教我们碰到他们要说韩语或者日语，说那些人让身为入了澳籍的中国人感到很丢脸。我不想评论谁对对错。只是想说，在国外，不给祖国面子，其实自己更没有尊严。

　　我的感想。版主觉得不妥，可以删掉。

最后发表： 毛桩桩
回复内容：




严防死守还是有漏洞啊

最后发表： chubbycat
回复内容：
中国国籍也丢失了 - it can be restored

最后发表： thewall
回复内容：
。。。 自己喜欢就去读 。。。 任何学科都有社会需求 。。。

最后发表： thewall
回复内容：
。。。 不带如何证明所处何处呢，就一张纸，没多少重量把 。。。

最后发表： thewall
回复内容：


... your boss will need to write a letter to immigration, explaining the situation ...

最后发表： 青山
回复内容：
因为这事，我有投票权以后，10年内肯定不选自由党。

最后发表： XT
回复内容：
这才是开始, 等该修的时候看修车的怎么宰你.

最后发表： vital
回复内容：
广州最快，当天可取！15分钟搞定。

最后发表： lywrlh
回复内容：
melbourne虽好过AD,但是VIC的洲担保,不好拿,去AD如果觉得工作是大问题,建议可以在国内拿到驾照,来到这里考FULL牌,及TAXI牌,有几个163的同胞在AD做出租车生意,车不少,只要你有牌照,就会有车开.

最后发表： dandanbeibei
回复内容：
LZ,

最后发表： 乐天
回复内容：
呵呵。。我也想啊，可惜你发的签证不好使

最后发表： snowyhare
回复内容：
强调主动把握自己的生活，不要把机会都让给别人，被动的生活质量就会下降。
我们出去的人相信都是强者，弱者始终是听从强者的“意见”，所能做的就是“抱怨”。
不是声音大就是强者，要看自己提出的IDEA有没有价值，是否有足够的说服力这才是重点。
这个社会是强者的世界，大家都去争取吧，不是每个人都有机会，因为弱者永远都是吧机会先让给强者的

最后发表： 晨光
回复内容：
移民不丹是个好想法，
不知有没有相关政策如何？
有这方面的资料和信息吗？

最后发表： snowyhare
回复内容：
没事的啦LZ，好好对你身边的同事吧，好人就亲近点，不大好的也对他们好点，人心都是肉长的，还有就是低调点~~~低调

最后发表： 我是老人
回复内容：
山坡羊里唱,兴,百姓苦,亡,百姓苦.国家和民族的兴旺真的这么重要吗?如果这么重要,我就不该在移民论坛看到你这样的回复了.

以上是减分理由.

出卖汉族利益的,叫汉奸?  你了解汪是如何卖国吗?

别把复杂的事简单了.  秦烩一生的作为,你真的了解吗?

最后发表： b0nny
回复内容：
按你的情况，natti是无法评估通过的，必须要考。natti3级很难考的，英语专业佼佼者的水平估计还能考出来，但翻译的工作经验你有吗？恕我直言，你直接拿pr的机会很小，想去澳洲只能走475（就是9.1前offshore的495）。移民的常识性问题可以看看网络问问中介。

[ 本帖最后由 b0nny 于 9-9-2007 01:34 编辑 ]